January 08, 2022 marks the 13th anniversary of the assassination of Lasantha Wickrematunge, editor of the Sunday Leader newspaper in the Attidiya area in Ratmalana.

It is a well-known murder that Lasantha Wickremaratunga was shot dead by unidentified gunmen in broad daylight in a high-security zone nearest Colombo and fled past several army checkpoints at that time.  After the attack who can escape from those checkpoints. It is a well-known secret that everyone knows. However, Lasantha Wickramaratunga who was admitted to the Kalubowila Hospital after the shooting has passed away. That was on January 8, 2009.

Before discussing the challenges faced by professional journalists and the problems of the media industry, it is important to gain some understanding of the origins of the media industry in Sri Lanka and its development.

This brief note is compiled to provide a glimpse of the Sri Lanka media industry, its history, and key development relevant to the current day.  I believe that this background information will contribute to understanding more effectively and overcoming some of the challenges faced by journalists and the media industry in Sri Lanka today.

A short note of the history of the media industry

Act No. 05, Registration of Newspapers, in Sri Lanka was passed in 1839. The “Lanka Loka”, the first Sinhala newspaper was published in 1862. The “Lakmini Pahana” newspaper was launched in September 1862.

The Tamil newspaper “Idea Atari”, published in 1841, marks the beginning of the Tamil newspaper in Ceylon.

The Observer and Commercial Advertiser, published by the British Government on January 1, 1832, as the “Colombo Journal” and published on February 4, 1834, is the beginning of the English language newspaper.

In 1923, a printing company called the “European Association”,  was formed..  The initiative of Mr. D.R Wijewardene marked the beginning of a new chapter in the Sri Lankan media industry with the establishment of the ‘Associated Newspapers of Ceylon’. By purchasing almost all the publications available at that time, the ANCL (Lake House) was able to build a monopoly power in the media industry in Sri Lanka.

By the Special Provisions Act, No. 05 of 1973,  the Sirima Bandaranayake Government overthrew Wijewardene and took over the company. Although a gazette notification has been issued by the Act regarding the way Lake House should be maintained as a public institution, no Government in Sri Lanka has implemented the gazette notification for the last almost fifty years ago.

Radio

The history of radio in Ceylon dates back to 1925, during British rule. The radio broadcasting service was called Radio Ceylon. It was transformed into the Department of Broadcasting in 1949 and was later designated as the “Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation” by Act No. 37 of 1966 and is still under the control of the Government.

Television

Launched by Shan Wickramasinghe in April 1979, the Independent Television Network, the “Independent Television Network”, was the first television channel in Sri Lanka. The channel was taken over by the JR Jayewardene Government and is still broadcasting as a state-owned company called ITN.

Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation was established as a Government Corporation under Act No. 06 of 1982 and commenced its broadcasting activities on 15th February 1982.

Following the Television Broadcasting Act, the Maharaja group was issued a broadcasting license in 1992.  MTV launched as the first private television service. Today a wide range of television and radio channels are spread in Sri Lanka.

Social Media

Meanwhile, social media networks are playing a major role in disseminating news and information and play a strong role in challenging the media industry in Sri Lanka.

There are about 70 mainstream newspapers, about 30 radio stations, and 18 television channels operating in the Sri Lankan media industry today.

Despite the widespread presence of both the public and private media institutions in the field of social media, the use of professional media, which pursues quality and media ethics, remains active.  However, there is deterioration amongst the people of Sri Lanka in the level of confidence they have in the conduct of the media in Sri Lanka.

The media industry in Sri Lanka

For more than 50 years, the state media has become a haven for all state-owned political parties and the management and media chiefs of these state-owned media have been political allies of the Government.

From time to time, Governments have initiated talks to free the state media from the grip of the state. However, all of the discussions have been mere fraudulent political promises. The active intervention aimed at liberating the state media has been neglected by media organizations, as well as mass movements.

It is the observation of much of the people in the country that most of the private media do not adhere to professional ethics and lack responsibility. Black money laundering seems to be a personal agenda pursued by some media owners. The use of their cronies for political or commercial purposes, and promote racism, instead of ethnic unity.

It is observed that the state or private media community does not engage in responsible and balanced, ethical, independent media practices without the influence and intervention of the Government or various parties.

Regulation of media institutions

Although there is no formal body to regulate media institutions, there are instances where the media is controlled by Acts such as the Press Council of Sri Lanka Act, the Broadcasting Corporation Act, and the Television Corporation Act.

The Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI) was established in 1998, with the help of international media owners and several media organizations with international support and media collaboration. Its member organization is the Press Complaints Commission of Sri Lanka (PCCSL). Sri Lanka College of Journalism (SLCJ) has unfortunately failed to provide adequate answers to the problems of the media industry.

Therefore, it is important to understand that the responsibility of organized journalism is paramount in meeting the need for a strong, independent media regulatory mechanism today.

Renowned journalists.

I think the current journalist need to read about the pioneering journalists in the Sri Lankan media industry to revive the media industry in our country.

My first choice for that was D. B. Dhanapala. Born in rural Tissamaharama, he was educated at Mahinda College, Galle, and graduated from Allahabad University, India.

His writing career was revolutionized when he first joined the Daily News. His revolutionary “Blue Page” page in the newspaper, Janus (Greek nickname), was able to stir up society at the time. Farewell to the media profession due to disagreements with the administration, his chosen teaching profession.

He often struggled with his mind about the social push that had succeeded in his media mission. Eventually, he joined the ‘Lankadeepa’ newspaper published by the then ‘Times of Ceylon’ to use the pen as a weapon. In fact, the latest Sinhala language newspaper at that time was ‘Lankadeepa’. The name of the journalist (by line) was first added by D. B. It is said that by the bourgeois champions.

Not only did he introduce a unique art of journalism to Sri Lanka, but it became clear to anyone observing how he handled the media that he had become a spokesman for the common people of the country, not bowing before politicians and the aristocracy. He is also the founder of the publishing group of the leading independent newspaper company ‘Dawasa’.

B. A. Siriwardena Editor of ‘Eththa’ newspaper. Siriwardena’s character is a character that current journalists should study. His own writing style is a replica of the claim that Sri Lankan journalists should behave with a backbone.

Dayasena Gunasinghe can be introduced as one of the most prestigious media biographies that should be read by contemporary journalists. Using their pens as a powerful weapon, people chased after civilians where they should be attacked, regardless of rank.

These are just a few of the many memorable, idealistic journalists to help you find out if there is a leader in holistic journalism today with such a journalistic biography and similarly powerful media practices.

Professional journalist?

Today’s Sri Lankan journalist is not recognized as a professional. There are many reasons for that. Those who enter the profession of journalism do not have the proper training or understanding of the subject of journalism. This is the case from most of the heads of the media institutions, to the editors, down to the journalists themselves. There does not seem to be such a need. There is a need but there is no opportunity for it.

It should be noted that there have been instances where media organizations with the help of NGOs have from time to time tried to provide training on media subjects, but these opportunities are often utilized only by journalists working at the local level. Mainstream journalists are also not allowed to participate by their employers. Many media chiefs and journalists are actively proving that they are not professionals.

Media organizations

Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions (FMETU), Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association (SLWJA), and Free Media Movement (FMM) are member organizations of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ).

In the 1960s, Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd (ANCL) had a branch office at the Ceylon Mercantile Industrial & General Workers Union (CMU) during the period when it was privately owned. The Upali Newspapers’ Employees’ Trade Union, which was formed in the 1990s with the intervention of the Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions. This union is also now defunct.

Attempts to build a trade union unity in the media sector by forming the ‘Lake House Employees Union’, which started in the late 1980s at Lake House, have not been entirely successful due to various obstacles.

Media organizations have sprung up, even on a racial basis, and there are many other types of media organizations today. It should be noted, however, that most of the existing media organizations are nominal organizations. That is why journalists have little faith in these organizations. It does not appear that media organizations are working to win that trust.

Has the journalist achieved any achievements that can be enjoyed by working separately as a distinctive media organization? Has it contributed to the success of the industry?

What is the solution? at least, can be proposed could unite the FMETU, FMM< SLWJA, member organizations of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) into one collective organization.

Solutions

Most Sri Lankan journalists are not organized.  They are not even interested in organizing themselves into a collective body, Media owners have the advantage of their employees not being organized.

The first challenge facing journalists face today is that they function without an understanding of the value of the organization.

The majority of journalists in Sri Lanka have lost the basic gratuity of the Employees Provident Fund, the Employees’ Trust Fund, the pension gratuity, which is a mandatory part of any professional service,   whether it be on a daily or even on a contract basis. It is no secret that journalists are a group of employees who have lost even such basic rights.

The responsibility of rescuing the media industry from this tragic crisis rests with the journalist himself.

If there is a developed media industry in the world today, it is only in countries where those journalists are strongly organized.

For us in Sri Lanka too, the only way to overcome the challenges facing the journalist is to end all existing divisions and organize as one family.  This is essential not only to safeguard the rights of that journalists but also to motivate the media owners to create a public service media tradition that can meet the aspirations of the people with the challenges they face as an industry.

Dharmasiri Lankapeli

General Secretary, Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions.

An article prepared 2020 at the request of Comrade Shalika Wimalasena of the “Young Journalists’ Association”.

 

 

A discussion was held on December 11, 2021, with the participation of a large number of journalists representing a number of districts, including the North and East, with the aim of creating a common national center for professional journalists scattered throughout the island.

Under the guidance of the “Federation of Media Employee’s Trade Unions”, regional journalists have been formed trade unions in several districts in the recent past.

Although applications were submitted to the Department of Labor for registration of the trade unions, the registration was delayed due to practical difficulties that arose.

Taking these issues into consideration, this discussion was organized with the objective of building a common trade union at the national level for professional journalists working all over the country.

After the “National Union of Journalists” was registered with the Department of Labor, the existing every district’s unions would be affiliated with as its branch organizations. FMETU with Executive Committee has been involved and guiding and contributing to all these activities.

The discussion was begun with Zoom Technology on December 11, 2021. Trade Unions with its delegates was the meeting transformed into the inaugural General Meeting of the “National Union of Journalists”. After consultation with all the delegates present at the General Assembly, it was decided to name the Association the “National Association of Journalists”.

Comrade Douglas Nanayakkara of the Nuwara Eliya District Professional Journalists ‘Association, National Organizer of the Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions was elected as the President of the New Union on the basis of the resolutions of all the delegates present at the General Assembly.

Comrade Bandu Thambavita of the Kalutara District Professional Journalists ‘Association was elected as the Secretary of the Association and Comrade Pradeep Senadheera of the Kandy District Journalists’ Association was elected as the Treasurer.

Also, as National Organizers, Comrade Punyamoorthy Shashidaran of the Batticaloa District Professional Journalists ‘Association and Lakmal Waduge Brothers of the Thanjavur District Journalists’ Association were unanimously nominated.

The Vice President of the Vavuniya District Professional Journalists’ Association was S.K. Comrade Indika Garusinghe representing the Moneragala District Professional Journalists’ Association was elected as the Deputy Secretary.

Comrade Pannariyadarshani Karunaratne of the Anuradhapura District Professional Journalists’ Association and Comrade Anuradha Panjariyadarshana of the Galle District Professional Journalists’ Association are members of the Ratnapura District Professional Journalists’ Association as the Executive Committee. it. I. Comrade Weerawardena, Comrade Saman Dissanayake of the Ampara District Professional Journalists’ Association, Comrade Bandara Pahalawatte of the Kegalle District Journalists’ Association, and the Mannar District Journalists’ Association.

It is also noteworthy that all elected office bearers represent the Executive Committee of the Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions.

After the registration of the “National Union of Journalists” with the Department of Labor, it was decided to affiliate with the Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions.

Sampath Jayalal

Journalists island-wide pledged their commitment to social inclusion and ethics at the conclusion of the Mediathon, presented by the British Council, Colombo, and the Rainbow Institute of Communication.

The Mediathon was part of the “Strengthening Reconciliation Process in Sri Lanka” SRP program, funded by the European Union & the German Federal Foreign Office.

The Mediathon was an intensive 21- an hour online training, focusing on social inclusion and ethics for journalists.

130 full-time journalists from newspaper, radio, TV, and digital media and media students representing all main communities and languages in Sri Lanka and all 25 districts, successfully completed this training.

The Mediathon focused on the role of media in fostering attitudes and behavior that build a socially cohesive, peaceful, and prosperous Sri Lanka.

The training was conducted by three media trainers. Namely; Chief Academic Adviser of Rainbow Institute and Senior Communications Academic Dr. Mahim Mendis, Foreign Correspondent and Media Trainer, Shihar Aneez and Senior University Lecturer in Communication Studies, Ms. Thushari Gamage.

The curriculum for the Mediathion was designed by a team of British Council experts headed by Ms. Tanya Warnakulasuriya . The curriculum was localized through a workshop conducted by Ms. Warnakulasuriya, with the Rainbow Institute of Communication team of media specialists and media trainers.

 

Participants were divided into 6 groups classified on the basis on language. They engaged in intensive learning and practical exercises during the Mediathon. During the final session of the Mediathon, the participants designed extremely creative posters and slogans, demonstrating their commitment to media ethics and social inclusion.

An awards ceremony was held on 16 December 2021 at the Rainbow Institute of Communication premises in Colombo with 20 Journalists participating physically as a symbolic gesture. All other participants throughout the island participated online through the live stream.

The chief guest at the awards ceremony was Ms. Loise Cowcher, Director, Education and English, British Council.

Addressing the gathering, she stressed the role and responsibility of media in presenting accurate information based on the principle of “do no harm”.

She urged the Rainbow Institute and Participating Journalists to use the Mediathon training material for the benefit of more journalists, The participants were unanimous in commending the program and reiterated their commitment to applying what they learned in relation to social inclusion and ethics in their day to day work as journalists.

Dr. Mahim Mendis expressed his gratitude to the British Council for the valuable opportunity to make an impact in the field of media in Sri Lanka. He explained that the Rainbow Institute had been carrying out projects in media development and empowering journalists in professional skills development for over a decade.

These projects were implemented in partnership with international organisations and the support of the Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions, FMETU, headed by Mr. Dharmasiri Lankapeli.

Earlier this year, the Rainbow Institute of Communication in partnership with the American Centre conducted 30 hours of training in Media Literacy for two hundred (200) youth leaders in ten (10) districts in Sri Lanka.

The Rainbow Institute also collaborated this year with the FMETU in developing leadership skills of seventy (70) journalists island-wide and facilitated them to strengthen themselves through unionism and networking.

This program also made provision for young journalists and women journalists to take the helm in media trade union activities by stepping into leadership roles in the Executive Committee of the FMETU. This program was supported by the International Federation of Journalists, IFJ.

The Rainbow Institute of Communication together with the FMETU looks forward to carrying out more work to strengthen media professionalism and media freedom with responsibility, contributing to enhancing the role of the fourth estate in a vibrant democracy.

Written By Monique Mendis

Thanks to

 

“Let us look at ourselves, if we have the courage, to see what is happening to us” – Jean-Paul Sartre

Sartre’s words should echo in all our minds following the grotesque decision of Britain’s High Court to extradite Julian Assange to the United States where he faces “a living death”. This is his punishment for the crime of authentic, accurate, courageous, vital journalism.

Miscarriage of justice is an inadequate term in these circumstances. It took the bewigged courtiers of Britain’s ancien regime just nine minutes last Friday to uphold an American appeal against a District Court judge’s acceptance in January of a cataract of evidence that hell on earth awaited Assange across the Atlantic: a hell in which, it was expertly predicted, he would find a way to take his own life.

Volumes of a witness by people of distinction, who examined and studied Julian and diagnosed his autism and his Asperger’s Syndrome and revealed that he had already come within an ace of killing himself at Belmarsh prison, Britain’s very own hell, were ignored.

The recent confession of a crucial FBI informant and prosecution stooge, a fraudster and serial liar, that he had fabricated his evidence against Julian was ignored. The revelation that the Spanish-run security firm at the Ecuadorian embassy in London, where Julian had been granted political refuge, was a CIA front that spied on Julian’s lawyers and doctors and confidants (myself included) – that, too. was ignored.

The recent journalistic disclosure, repeated graphically by defense counsel before the High Court in October, that the CIA had planned to murder Julian in London – even that was ignored.

Each of these “matters”, as lawyers like to say, was enough on its own for a judge upholding the law to throw out the disgraceful case mounted against Assange by a corrupt US Department of Justice and their hired guns in Britain. Julian’s state of mind, bellowed James Lewis, QC, America’s man at the Old Bailey last year, was no more than “malingering” – an archaic Victorian term used to deny the very existence of mental illness.

To Lewis, almost every defense witness, including those who described from the depth of their experience and knowledge, the barbaric American prison system, was to be interrupted, abused, discredited.  Sitting behind him, passing him notes, was his American conductor: young, short-haired, clearly an Ivy League man on the rise.

In their nine minutes of dismissal of the fate of journalist Assange, two of the most senior judges in Britain, including the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Burnett (a lifelong buddy of Sir Alan Duncan, Boris Johnson’s former foreign minister who arranged the brutal police kidnapping of Assange from the Ecuadorian embassy) referred to not one of a litany of truths aired at previous hearings in the District Court – truths that had struggled to be heard in a lower court presided over by a weirdly hostile judge, Vanessa Baraitser. Her insulting behavior towards a clearly stricken Assange, struggling through a fog of prison-dispensed medication to remember his name, is unforgettable.

What was truly shocking last Friday was that the High Court judges – Lord Burnett and Lord Justice Timothy Holyrode, who read out their words – showed no hesitation in sending Julian to his death, living or otherwise. They offered no mitigation, no suggestion that they had agonized over legalities or even basic morality.

Their ruling in favor, if not on behalf of the United States, is based squarely on transparently fraudulent “assurances” scrabbled together by the Biden administration when it looked in January like justice might prevail.

These “assurances” are that once in American custody, Assange will not be subject to the Orwellian SAMS – Special Administrative Measures — which would make him an un-person; that he will not be imprisoned at ADX Florence, a prison in Colorado long condemned by jurists and human rights groups as illegal: “a pit of punishment and disappearance”; that he can be transferred to an Australian prison to finish his sentence there.

The absurdity lies in what the judges omitted to say. In offering its “assurances”, the US reserves the right not to guarantee anything should Assange do something that displeases his jailers. In other words, as Amnesty has pointed out, it reserves the right to break any promise.

There are abundant examples of the US doing just that. As investigative journalist Richard Medhurst revealed last month, David Mendoza Herrarte was extradited from Spain to the US on the “promise” that he would serve his sentence in Spain. The Spanish courts regarded this as a binding condition.

 “Classified documents reveal the diplomatic assurances given by the US Embassy in Madrid and how the US violated the conditions of the extradition “, wrote Medhurst, “Mendoza spent six years in the US trying to return to Spain. Court documents show the United States denied his transfer application multiple times.”

The High Court judges – who were aware of the Mendoza case and of Washington’s habitual duplicity — describe the “assurances” not to be beastly to Julian Assange as a “solemn undertaking offered by one government to another”. This article would stretch into infinity if I listed the times the rapacious United States has broken “solemn undertakings” to governments, such as treaties that are summarily torn up and civil wars that are fuelled. It is the way Washington has ruled the world, and before it Britain: the way of imperial power, as history teaches us.

It is this institutional lying and duplicity that Julian Assange brought into the open and in so doing performed perhaps the greatest public service of any journalist in modern times.

Julian himself has been a prisoner of lying governments for more than a decade now. During these long years, I have sat in many courts as the United States has sought to manipulate the law to silence him and WikiLeaks.

This reached a bizarre moment when, in the tiny Ecuadorian embassy, he and I were forced to flatten ourselves against a wall, each with a notepad in which we conversed, taking care to shield what we had written to each other from the ubiquitous spy cameras – installed, as we now know, by a proxy of the CIA, the world’s most enduring criminal organization.

This brings me to the quotation at the top of this article: “Let us look at ourselves, if we have the courage, to see what is happening.”

Jean-Paul Sartre wrote this in his preface to Franz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, the classic study of how colonized and seduced and coerced and, yes, craven peoples do the bidding of the powerful.

Who among us is prepared to stand up rather than remain mere bystanders to an epic travesty such as the judicial kidnapping of Julian Assange? What is at stake is both a courageous man’s life and, if we remain silent, the conquest of our intellects and sense of right and wrong: indeed our very humanity.

Author Bio: John Pilger is an award-winning journalist, filmmaker, and author. Read his full biography on his website here, and follow him on Twitter: @JohnPilger.  This article is distributed in partnership with Globetrotter.

There has been a discussion again about the reforms that should change government thinks should take in the media industry.

Dallas Alahapperuma, Minister of Mass Media and Information was sent with a series of proposals by the Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions on the reforms that need to take place in the media industry in Sri Lanka.

The full of the letter that letter is as follows.

November 25, 2022

Hon. Minister,

Dullas Alahapperuma Esq.

Dear Media Minister.

Proposals for an independent media regulatory mechanism to establish a Public Service Journalism tradition

The behavior of Public and Private Media

We are pleased to observe the coming to the surface of a new discourse on the behavior of public and private media in Sri Lanka and growing concerns about media regulatory mechanisms.

It is no secret that media organizations in Sri Lanka have been campaigning for the establishment of an independent media regulatory mechanism for more than two decades. The Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions (FMETU) stands for the need for an independent body to regulate the media, both public and privately-owned, in Sri Lanka and social media behavior and activism in the current context for the betterment of the use of media culture.

We strongly believe that as the first step in realizing the objective of such a public-friendly media culture ensuring the functioning of free and fair media behavior it is mandatory for the government to free its hold on media institutions controlled by the state. We hope that the present Government will be able to contribute to this end by converting all state media institutions into Public Service Journalism.

There are eight leading international media standards on the use of “public service journalism” for the public as follows:

5. Democracy and pluralism tolerate other ideas.
6. Reports by collecting many sources in a reasonable, correct, and balanced way.
7. Fulfill the requirements of citizen information.
8. Helps the public for a better living by making them understand the differences and by being sensitive about the world.
9. Listens to the voice of the majority of the people. Acts immensely to fulfill the requirements of the public.
10. Refer and focus the society for a meaningful dialog.
11. Wins and achieves the confidence of the reader.
12. Gives priority to issues and problems that are important to the citizens.

The government of former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, who came to power in 1994, there had been an effort to reform the state-controlled media by appointing several committees including the RKW Gunasekera Committee and the Sidath Sri Nandalochana Committee, but there is at least no report of publishing of the recommendations of those committees.

We strongly believe that the existence of an independent, balanced and impartial media is essential for the democratic existence and good governance of a country. To this end, the reform of state media institutions is an essential task in ensuring media freedom in Sri Lanka.

Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited (Lake House)

Our Federation proposes the immediate conversion of the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd. (Lake House) Ltd. into a Public Service Media Institution on a priority basis as per the Special Provisions Act of 1973 and recommendations of the Sidath Sri Nandalochana Committee appointed by the Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga Government in 1994 or by a new committee for that purpose.

None of the governments for the last five decades took action to implement the laws and provisions of the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited Special Provisions Law No. 28 of 1973. We like to mention as per the recording purposes that following the inordinate delay under the guidance of the FMETU the Lake House Employees’ Union filed a Fundamental Rights petition before the Supreme Court in 2007 demanding that the provisions of the aforementioned act be implemented by the then Chief Justice Sarath N Silva decided to set aside the petition without giving reasons.

Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation

Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation

Independent Television Network

We propose to take necessary steps to establish an Independent Public Service Radio and Television Commission and place under its purview the aforementioned three institutes. In this regard, we propose that the recommendations of the 1994 RKW Gunasekera Committee for media reforms be taken into consideration.

It should be considered that the frequencies used for broadcasting state television and radio channels are public property.

Private print and electronic media

There is no possibility of regulating privately-owned print and electronic media. Although there is an existing understanding between the Newspaper Society of Sri Lanka and the Editors’ Guild of Sri Lanka on certain ethics and regulations that is not a strong enough solution for the situations prevailing.

It is clearly discernible that the issuance of TV and radio frequencies which are the public property by the successive governments to private entrepreneurs had been done on the basis of personal and political relationships. Therefore there is no institute that is responsible for the conduct of those TV and radio channels. As a result of the owners of those TV and radio channels gives callous disregard to the fact that the frequencies that they use are public property and implement their own political and personal media agendas.

Our Federation request that the following factors be taken into consideration to rectify the situations mentioned in the preceding paragraphs and to bring about an exemplary media reform process:

Abolition of the Sri Lanka Press Council and establishment of an Independent Regulatory Commission

The then United National Party government inactivated the Sri Lanka Press Council in 2002 with the intention of abolishing it. The previous government of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe took steps to reactivate it despite there being continuous agitations by the media fraternity and civil organizations to abolish the Sri Lanka Press Council.

We propose that the incumbent Government should co-operate in strengthening the objectives established by the Sri Lanka Press Complaints Commission and that the Sri Lanka Press Council be abolished.

The guidelines and recommendations made over the past two decades, especially by media organizations and other civil society organizations, for self-regulation should be taken into consideration. We propose that attention should be paid to the Colombo Declaration and the Tholangamuwa Declaration.

The Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions (FMETU) propose that the government should facilitate the initiating of an open discussion on the professional protection and safety of journalists and the formulation of a procedure for media self-regulation, with the support of media organizations and interested civil society organizations and international media organizations.

Doing justice to the victims

In a discourse to ensure free and fair media culture, it is inevitable to circumvent the need for justice be done with regard to journalists who had been subject to suppression, torture and assault, abduction and finally assassinations and those who had to flee the country to save their lives owing to the media environment that prevailed in this country for over a decade and a half. In the same manner, justice must also be done for the media institutions subject to suppression.

Our Federation believes that in the field of media freedom and sustainable media reform, it is important to punish perpetrators and make new recommendations to prevent such incidents, and to propose a procedure for this would play a major role in this process.

Rights of mainstream and provincial professional journalists

Journalists also need to be aware of the barriers and limits to their right to organize. It is important to pay more attention to media institutions, especially in the private sector. It is hoped that the organization of journalists will also contribute to the advancement of the media industry and that the media owners will be able to collectively face the challenges of the industry.

Provincial Journalists who play a leading role in the field of print and electronic media do not enjoy e same benefits and have the same rights compared to their counterparts working for the media organisations for a monthly salary. They are not at least entitled to the membership of the Employees Provident Fund or Employees Trust Fund.

It is a priority that actions be taken immediately to recognize the services of the provincial journalists with a proper letter of appointment, an appropriate pay scale, and steps to transform them into qualified professionals for building a strong free media industry.

In this regard, former President Maithripala Sirisena in 2018 appointed a committee comprising the then Director-General of Information, Secretary to the Ministry of Finance and

Commissioner General of Labour and it was reported that the report of that committee was handed over to the Secretary to the Ministry of Mass Media of the then government. We emphasize the need to pay attention to the issues of provincial journalists as one of the main issues prevailing in the media industry.

The present Hon Minister of Labor, Nimal Siripala de Silva, It is hereby stated that at the request of our Federation, preparing to necessary legal provisions to include the profession of provincial journalists to the Wage Board of the Newspaper Industry.

We would also like to point out the steps are being taken to rename the ‘Journalists Wages Board’, which includes e-journalists and social media professionals.

Cord of Conduct of ethics for professional journalists?

The need for a strong code of ethics for journalists is paramount in the discussion of a strong and free media industry. Although there exists a Code of Ethics for Journalists introduced by the Editors’ Guild of Sri Lanka and several media organizations, it is a pity to note that even the founders of that Code do not respect those ethics or use them in their practice.

We suggest that attention should be paid to bring about a strong Code of Ethics for journalists covering print, electronic and social media, and that Code should be prepared in line with international standards and instances.

The Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions comprising the members of the Lake House Employees’ Union, Sri Lanka Broadcasting Journalists union, District Journalists Trade Unions, and other state media trade unions, works for the objective of attaining media freedom and ensuring the rights of journalists and media workers.

Our Federation is a full member of the International Federation of Journalists, which has more than 600,000 members in 170 countries around the world.

Although we hereby present a set of proposals, we also work jointly in unison with Sri Lankan Press Institute, Sri Lanka Working Journalists’ Association, Free Media Movement, the Editors’ Guild of Sri Lanka, Newspaper Society of Sri Lanka, and other media organizations for the purpose of establishing a self-regulatory mechanism for the media industry in this country.

We hereby inform that this letter, owing to its importance, will be copied to the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and the media organizations as well as for the attention of the Hon. Minister of Mass Media and Information.

Thanking You, Trustworthy,

Indunil Usgodaarachchi, President,   077 065 8285, indunil.usgodaarachchi@gmail.com                                                                        

Dharmasiri Lankapeli, General Secretary,  077 364 1111                                    dlankapeli@gmail.com fmetu123@gmail.com

On the morning of November 28, 2021, journalist Vishwalingam Vishwachandran was subject to a brutal attack in Mullaitivu while engaging in media reporting. The barbaric attack was carried out with a palm stick wrapped in barbed wire while the victim was taking photographs of the Mullivaikkala name board. Eyewitnesses said that the attack was carried out by a group of army soldiers who were stationed at the scene. It is reported that journalist Vishwalingam Vishwachandran, who is also the treasurer of the Mullaitivu Media Club, has been admitted to the Mullaitivu District Hospital with serious injuries and is receiving treatment.

Mullaitivu journalists have lodged a complaint with the Mullaitivu Police with photographic evidence of the attackers. When inquired about this, the Mullaitivu Police Headquarters Inspector said that investigations have been initiated into the incident. He further said that steps will be taken to send the relevant details of the attack to the Police Media Spokesman and further details should be sought from the Police Media Spokesman. Journalists in the North and East, in particular, have been subjected to constant harassment and it is unfortunate that they have not been brought to the attention of government officials, including the IGP, from time to time.

The Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions (FMETU), a member organization of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), strongly condemns the brutal attack on journalist Vishwalingam Vishwachandran. We consider this attack as an attack on the right of all journalists to report freely. We urge all government officials, including the IGP, to bring those responsible for the attack under the law immediately and to take all possible measures to prevent such incidents in the future.